Eating the Elephant One Bite at a Time
Eating the Elephant One Bite at a Time
The influencers have been reporting on several developments lately that, taken one by one, might look unrelated. But taken together, they point in the same direction: the finale of a RICO grand conspiracy case that the Trump administration is preparing against Obama’s Deep State establishment and the media apparatus that has spent years weaponizing government power against him. I’m going to try to connect some dots for you and show you why I think that endgame is near.
If you haven’t read my previous report on the RICO grand conspiracy case, you might want to read that again to refresh your mind before we continue.
So, what has been going on lately?
Tulsi Gabbard is declassifying documents and making criminal referrals tied to Trump’s 2019 wrongful impeachment. Pam Bondi is being moved off the board, with Trump publicly saying he loves her, but also quietly recognizing that she’s not that good on TV and that she’s already done the leg work. Todd Blanche is stepping in to push the pieces forward, remove obstruction, and bring in new players to close the case. Kash Patel is on TV saying arrests are coming soon and that the stolen‑election claims are being folded into the broader RICO conspiracy case. And journalists like John Solomon and Dan Bongino are signaling that the next phase is already underway.
This isn’t just a series of personnel moves. It’s the endgame of a long chess match.
Bondi Was the Rook, Not the Queen
Trump has always been honest about what he values: battlefield presence, TV “central casting” presence, and the ability to sell his strategies to the public and keep the base fired up.
Pam Bondi did her job — she empaneled grand juries, put boots on the ground in Florida, and set the stage for the prosecutions Trump wanted to see. Ultimately, her track record in cases is the best the DOJ has seen in 50 years. But she never really learned how to play the media board. She is better in a courtroom than on TV.
Bondi is good at the mechanics of the job. She lined up cases. She did her best to put the right prosecutors in place. She cleared the way for the kind of RICO‑style grand conspiracy work now targeting figures like John Brennan. In that sense, she was the perfect rook: you move her straight into the right squares and then let someone else handle the finishing moves.
Trump loved Pam Bondi enough to put her in the Attorney General’s chair, but he also found out she’s not built for the TV war — so he’s moved her to the private sector, where she can amplify his message like Dan Bongino is doing right now - rather than slow‑walk it from inside the DOJ. Remember, President Trump said nobody knows how someone will perform until they are tested. Correct!
Now Tulsi Gabbard, Todd Blanche, Kash Patel, and Joe diGenova are lining up the pieces for what could be the biggest legal reckoning in the deep state’s history.
Trump still loves her, but he’s not blind. He knows that if you’re going to run the Justice Department in a hyper‑visible political war, you need someone who can show up on TV, talk directly to the camera, and keep the Fox‑News‑and‑talk‑radio‑aligned audience engaged. That’s not Bondi’s strength. That’s Blanche’s role now.
Her move to the private sector could be a lot more useful than harmful. She can go out and talk, write, build a media presence, and operate like Dan Bongino — not from inside the bureaucracy, but as an outside voice that amplifies what the administration is doing. That’s often more powerful than a hesitant, over‑cautious mouthpiece in a government chair.
Tulsi Opens the File
Tulsi Gabbard’s latest move is the one that should make the most noise but hardly anyone is reporting on it.
According to ODNI’s newly declassified material, Gabbard submitted criminal referrals to the Justice Department tied to what she says was a conspiracy around the 2019 impeachment of President Trump. The heart of the allegation is that Intelligence Community Inspector General Michael Atkinson mishandled, and perhaps deliberately weaponized, the whistleblower process by forwarding a complaint built on secondhand information and political bias.
The ODNI position is blunt: Atkinson ignored DOJ guidance, exceeded his jurisdiction, and pushed a complaint forward without a fulsome investigation. The office also says the whistleblower had partisan ties, including working closely with Joe Biden on Ukraine issues and having Democrat affiliations that were hidden or minimized during the impeachment process.
Gabbard’s framing is even sharper. She says “deep state actors” inside the intelligence community manufactured a false narrative that Congress used to overturn the will of the voters and impeach the duly elected president. That is not bureaucratic language. That is an accusation of institutional sabotage.
The Atkinson Story Matters
Michael Atkinson matters because he was supposed to be neutral.
He was the gatekeeper, not a political actor. Yet ODNI now says he took a complaint that lacked firsthand evidence, shaped it into a formal “urgent concern,” and routed it to Congress and the FBI in a way that gave the impeachment effort its legal and political cover.
That’s important because the entire public case against Trump in 2019 rested on the idea that the whistleblower process was legitimate, careful, and independent. If that process was manipulated from the start, the impeachment was built on a contaminated foundation.
The newly released material also raises questions about the layering of witnesses. The complaint did not come from someone on the Trump–Zelensky call. It came through a chain of people reading transcripts, interpreting context, and making political assumptions. ODNI’s argument is that the process was not just sloppy — it was strategically engineered.
Brennan, Florida, and the Grand Jury
At the same time, the Justice Department appears to be tightening the circle around John Brennan.
Reporting from outlets like Just the News suggests that Bondi’s grand jury in South Florida is hearing a grand conspiracy RICO case involving Brennan and other figures tied to Russiagate and the anti‑Trump apparatus. That’s serious. If true, the government is not just looking at one‑off mistakes; it’s looking at a coordinated network of abuse.
Bondi did her part here. She helped set up the Florida machinery, got the right prosecutors in place, and kept the pressure on. There are also reports of cooperating witnesses. But once the grand jury was running and the case was stacked with evidence, the next move was to hand the baton to someone who could push the narrative harder and keep the TV‑war caliente.
That’s where Blanche and diGenova come in.
Blanche, diGenova, and the “Counselor” Move
Joe diGenova is 81 years old, but he is one of the few experienced conservative prosecutors who actually knows how to handle this kind of high‑stakes, high‑profile work. He ran the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia under Reagan, supervised hundreds of attorneys, and built RICO, corruption, and espionage cases at the highest level. That kind of background is exactly what you want when you’re trying to pull apart a years‑long conspiracy across the intelligence community and DOJ.
The problem is that Obama and Biden spent years clearing out people like diGenova. They replaced them with loyal‑to‑the‑establishment prosecutors who were more comfortable running the same old institutional playbooks than going after the permanent class. That’s why Blanche bringing diGenova in now is such a signal: it’s not just a staffing decision; it’s an ideological reset. diGenova is also close to Rudy Giuliani - who basically invented RICO to take down the New York mob.
There is also confusion about who blocked what when. Paul Sperry says Blanche allegedly blocked an earlier move to bring in diGenova. diGenova, on Rudy Giuliani’s podcast, says the opposite: that Bondi was the one who held it up. The DOJ backs up diGenova. That contradiction is worth noting because it suggests there are still nefarious leakers inside the DOJ - where infighting, competing power centers, and a lot of jockeying behind the scenes happens every day. The Trump administration has removed THOUSANDS of harmful deep state actors but there are THOUSANDS to go.
But the real story is that the administration finally forced the move: diGenova is now counselor to the acting attorney general - Todd Blanche - operating out of the Southern District of Florida, where the Brennan‑linked grand conspiracy case is running. That’s a signal: the old guard is being pushed out, and the new team is told to act.
Blanche is the one who can now say, “We’re not waiting. We’re not hesitating. We’re moving the case forward — and when the time comes, arrests will follow.”
Bondi Made the Field, Blanche Runs the Game
Jason Quiñones, the Trump‑nominated U.S. attorney in Southern Florida removed the Obama prosecutor - Maria Medetis Long - from the Brennan‑related work - likely for obstruction - and is now working under special Sec. 515 authority. That means he’s operating under a direct Justice Department mandate to push cases that the administration wants to see action on. Long’s removal was the administrative broom‑sweeping; Quiñones is the guy tasked with actually swinging the bat.
Bondi got the field ready. She allowed the Florida grand jury to form, she blessed the RICO‑style structure, and she gave the legal green light to some of the more aggressive moves. But once the case was loaded and the evidence lined up, Trump’s instinct was to hand it to someone who can talk, fight, and sell the story in real time.
It looks like Blanche is that guy - backed by diGenova. He’s the chess master who finishes the endgame that Bondi laboriously set up. And if he’s running over the RICO wall, it’s because Bondi already built the battering ram.
Kash Patel Turns Up the Heat
And Kash Patel is making it very clear that he is not just watching the board — he’s part of the offensive.
He has gone on television to say that arrests are coming soon in the grand conspiracy case and that evidence related to the stolen election is being folded into the broader investigation. That’s significant because it means the administration is not treating the post‑2020 election claims as a separate political issue. It’s treating them as part of the same suspected network of misconduct.
His recent defamation suit against The Atlantic over stories about his drinking is part of the pattern too. It’s a way of fighting back against the media‑smear machine that spent years trying to delegitimize Trump’s inner circle. When Patel says, “we’ve got all the evidence,” he’s not describing a slow‑motion investigation. He’s describing a case that is ready to move. The fake news is desperate to smear and discredit the entire Trump team at this point to stop the inevitable.
And the stolen‑election story is no longer just a talking point — it’s being folded into the same criminal‑case mindset as the RICO conspiracy. The 2020 election, particularly the Georgia ballot procedures, has become a live investigative file, not just a partisan talking point. Tulsi Gabbard showed up at the center of that storm: she was on the ground in Georgia for the FBI’s search of a key election facility in Fulton County, where voting materials from 2020 were seized under a judge’s order.
Trump himself has said Gabbard was there “working very hard on trying to keep the election safe,” and that federal agents were finally getting to digital files and ballot records that he claims were rigged to flip the state. From the ODNI standpoint, that’s framed as an election‑security and foreign‑interference probe.
But in the larger picture, it’s clear they’re using the same forensic, criminal‑law lens on the 2020 vote as they’re using on the Russiagate and impeachment conspiracy: the idea that the Deep State and its media allies didn’t just smear Trump — they actively manipulated the outcome, and now the administration is trying to deliver the evidence in a way that will force the public to connect the dots.
Obama, Schiff, and the Larger Picture
The biggest implication of Gabbard’s disclosures is that the 2016 and 2019 battles are now being linked into one long chain.
According to the released material and the accompanying commentary, Obama‑era officials allegedly directed the creation of false intelligence to support a narrative that Russia wanted Trump to win. That includes names like Brennan, Clapper, Comey, and Susan Rice. Gabbard has also singled out Adam Schiff and House Democrats for working with intelligence figures to weaponize the whistleblower process and manufacture the basis for impeachment.
That’s why this isn’t just about impeachment. It’s about a pattern of behavior: using the intelligence community and the Justice Department as political weapons, shaping narratives, and then laundering them through Congress and the media.
If the administration can connect the 2016 intelligence operation, the 2019 impeachment, and the post‑2020 election fight into one story, the entire narrative of the last decade starts to flip. The threat is no longer coming from Trump; it’s coming from the permanent class inside the institutions that were supposed to protect the country.
SHADOWINTEL: “Dan Bongino had John Solomon on his show today and Solomon made an interesting prediction:
That Trump will soon unveil evidence that foreign powers meddled in the 2020 election, which will result in John Thune ultimately caving on the filibuster and the Save America act will get passed.
“I think Donald Trump is going to change the narrative in America. I think he is going to change some Senators minds. He is going to start revealing some of the intelligence that was kept from the American people. And we’re going to see that our foreign adversaries have monkeyed around with our (election) system more than we knew.
And I think when Senators realize their state could have been targeted, there is going to be a different debate in America. I think there’s some big, significant, and very troubling revelations about the vulnerabilities of our elections that the President is about to unveil on the American public.”
What Comes Next
The timing is obvious, and that’s part of why this feels serious.
The Florida grand jury is still active. The Justice Department has new leadership. ODNI has put criminal referrals on the table. Kash Patel is publicly promising arrests. Tulsi Gabbard is tearing open the intelligence files and naming names. And the media allies of the old regime are already doing what they always do: smearing, minimizing, and trying to flood the media zone before facts become charges.
Trump’s move with Bondi was part of the strategy too. He’s not throwing her away. He’s repositioning her — taking someone who did the bureaucratic heavy lifting and pushing her into the private sector, where she can become a media‑friendly, Trump‑aligned voice like Dan Bongino, rather than a tentative, TV‑reluctant attorney general.
For years, the accusation was that Trump was the threat. Now the evidence trail is pointing in the other direction.
It’s taken a long time, but you can’t just dump the biggest conspiracy in American history into people’s hands and start arresting high‑level officials overnight. You need to eat the elephant one bite at a time.
The public first has to see the pattern, piece by piece: the 2016 fake‑Russia narrative, the 2019 impeachment hoax, the attacks on Trump, J6 and the stolen election, and the post‑2020 election chaos all stitched together into one long coup attempt. The administration is delivering the evidence one blow at a time, letting the story unfold, and letting the rage build — and we’re almost at the point where the country won’t just watch. It will demand the arrests that Obama’s Deep State criminal enterprise has finally earned. Godspeed.
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